Hispanic Pentecostals in the US
The
Hispanic presence in the history and life of the United States is a complex
one. While we all share a common Hispanic culture, as part of the colonial
heritage and mixture of our races and traditions, there are many differences.
These differences are, with all its colonial and neocolonial influences, a
blessing and a promise. They are affirmations of rich diversity. The
interconnection between race and culture as a process of MESTIZAJE (a mixture)
is a key to understand who the Hispanics are as people. A people in the
DIASPORA, defending our identities, reclaiming our dignity and our right, as
pilgrims in a strange land or reclaiming acceptance as people of the land,
first class citizens. The USA is the new LOCUS of our theologizing,
transforming our cultural and religious experience, and providing new realities
with new components, such as language and education, in our searching/affirming
process as a people.
Hispanic
Pentecostals are those who witnessed the revivalistic/charismatic/pentecostal
movement which started in Topeka, Kansas and Los Angeles, California, at the
beginning of the century. They express, live and sustain their religious
experience through the transforming and guiding presence of the Holy Spirit. We
could summarize it by saying that,
Hispanic
indigenous Pentecostalism in a formal and substantive way has been influenced
theologically by classical Pentecostalism, as the case has been with most of
Pentecostalism worldwide, albeit filtered through the interpretative nuances of
Hispanic culture and history.[1]
Azusa Street and Beyond
When
the revival started in Topeka, Kansas, in 1901, Agnes Ozman did realize that
her experience was the first of many experiences of poor, simple women like her
all over the world. Romanita Carbajal, a Mexican immigrant was one of those
exile people who received the blessing too. She came to Los Angeles escaping
from the turmoil and instability created by the Mexican Revolution.
William
J. Seymour, an African American preacher received the blessing in Azusa Street,
Los Angeles, in 1906. He was the pioneer of a movement that had global
dimensions: The modern Pentecostal missionary movement was on its way to be the
"Third Force" in the 20th. century Christianity. From Topeka and
Azusa the modern Pentecostal movement spread to Europe, Latin America, Asia and
Africa. Many believers from traditional churches made the trip to Los Angeles
to know, first hand, of this "explosion of the Spirit.”
The
Azusa Street meetings quickly became known throughout the world as the focal
point of the outpouring of God's Spirit that began to sweep multitudes into the
experience of baptism in the Holy Ghost.[2]
Many
were baptized with the Holy Spirit and went back to proclaim and share this
"charismatic experience" to others.
Pentecostalism
was depicted by the press in those days as a crazy, fanatic movement of
"holy rollers" and became an international missionary movement:
Azusa
Street became a veritable Pentecostal Mecca to which pilgrims from all over the
world came and from which the news of supernatural signs and wonders was
broadcast.[3]
As
the revival was covering the North American scenario and experiences were
erupting in other parts of the world, one important issue became a central
focus of attention and concern: The missionary character and the missiological
implications of this new "explosion of the Spirit.” "The Azusa Street
revival resulted in a literal world dissemination of the Pentecostal message.[4]
It was like an urgent calling to proclaim and share the good news of this
unique outpouring of the Holy Ghost, at the beginning of the 20th. century.
One
needs to remember that the so-called "Great Century" of the modern
missionary movement (1814-1915) made an impact on this Pentecostal movement and
provided the necessary conditions for the expansion and growth of this movement
in other parts of the world. Out of the revivalistic experiences of the Great
Awakenings in the USA and the revivals in England, came a holiness movement
that was the precursor of the Pentecostal revival of the 20th. century. Very
often this fact is forgotten in the history of modern missions: The Pentecostal
movement is probably the climax of the modern missionary movement. The movement
created expectations and many negative reactions among other churches, some of
them even challenging the authenticity of the movement itself.
In
North America the Pentecostal movement expanded with healing, later rain and
revival movements in every state, and also in Canada. From local preachers to
renown national evangelists the Pentecostal experience covered the whole
territory.
The
movement tried to accomplish a gigantic task: To proclaim the good news of the
outpouring of the Holy Spirit and emphasize the urgent call to missionize
because the end-time was approaching. The eschatological impulse was
definitively there.
According
to L. Grant McClung Jr:
The
early records of the revival speak of a close and abiding association between
the baptism in the Holy Spirit as evidenced by speaking in tongues for an
enduement of power in Christian witness, a fervent belief in the premillenial
return of Christ and His command to evangelize to the uttermost parts of the
world... The History of Pentecostalism cannot be properly understood apart from
its missionary vision.[5]
Pentecostalism
started as a volunteer missionary movement of called and committed Christian
developed in more organized and institutionalized effort. Bible institutes
became the educational places to train missionaries.
As
the Pentecostal Movement matured, more attention was placed on preparation for
the foreign fields, sound financial support, and the necessity of an overall
strategy to fulfill the Great Commission.[6]
The
missionary impulse grew and many more missiological, strategic issues
confronted the churches. The initial impulse needed a careful development of a
"theology of mission,” from a Pentecostal perspective.
McClung
suggests that four key elements are needed to develop and understand a theology
of mission from a Pentecostal perspective: 1)"An incarnational truth
available and experienced by faith.” 2) relate Word and Spirit as primary
sources for the People of God. 3) An escathological dimension and tension 4) a
sense of been called and empowered for a mission.[7]
When
the Azusa movement started to grow and call the attention of church leaders in
the USA and other parts of the world, the Hispanics in the city of Los Angeles
joined the revival. They were primarily Mexican-Americans that lived in the
city and Mexicans that escaped from the War in Mexico.
Abundio and Rosa López, Brigidio Pérez José
de Jesús Váldez and his wife Susie was among those who participated in the
“Azusa movement”.[8]
Eldín
Villafañe tells us that:
Hispanics
have been part and parcel of the Pentecostal movement since its inception. The
Azusa Street revival drew a significant number of Hispanics living in the Los
Angeles area.[9]
Many
of the immigrants discriminated and displaced in a "gringo culture and
language,” but manage to start their own churches in California. Luis López and
Juan Navarro were the two first preachers that, accepting the Pentecostal
faith, preached among the Hispanics in the city and planted churches in other
parts of the US.
From
that initial event Hispanic Pentecostals joined in the effort to spread the
news. The names of Francisco Olazábal, a vibrant preacher himself, who joined
the Assemblies of God, but after a few years started his own movement because
of differences with the leadership of the Assemblies of God. He founded the
Latin American Council of Christian Churches, preached among African-Americans
in New York City and organized evangelistic campaigns in the Caribbean. To this
day Olazabal is remembered in places like Puerto Rico for his impact and
success as a preacher and evangelist. Other names need to be mentioned: Leoncia
Rosado, "Mama Leo,” who founded the "Iglesia Cristiana Damascus"
and envisioned a ministry among drug-addicts that for years has been an
integral attempt to do the mission. That's why she established the
"Damascus Youth Crusade.” Many addicts were transformed by the ministry
and pastoral care of "Mama Leo".[10]
Another
important name was Rev. Ricardo Tañón, a charismatic organizer and founder of
"Iglesia Cristiana Juan 3:16", in the South Bronx and today, after
many decades of work have established churches in the Northeast, Puerto Rico
and Dominican Republic. For many years, until his official retirement in 1977,
Pastor Tañón was a spiritual and moral voice, not only among Hispanic
Pentecostals in the City of New York, but also between other churches and civic
organizations in the City. He was an extraordinary preacher, mentor and
visionary pastor.[11]
Juan L. Lugo: Pentecostal Apostle to
Puerto Rico
When
the Azusa movement ignited the fire of evangelism and enthusiastic missionaries
went to many parts of the world Hawaii was no exception.
In
transit from California to the Orient a group of Pentecostal missionaries
stopped on the way the Hawaiian island of Oahu. In 1912 already in the island
there was a significant number of Puerto Rican immigrants working on a
government experimental station. It was there that the young Juan L. Lugo was
converted and received the baptism in the Holy Spirit under the ministry of
Francisco Ortíz, Sr. He thus began a long and fruitful ministry as the
'Pentecostal Apostle to Puerto Rico', to which we need to add New York City
and, in a small way, California.[12]
Juan
L. Lugo converted and received the baptism of the Holy Spirit upon the
insistence of his mother who was the first one to be touched by the message of
the missionaries, while living in Hawaii as part of the migrant workers who
left from Puerto Rico to those Pacific Islands, looking for better economic
opportunities. On June 13, 1913, Lugo made a definite decision for Christ and
started a journey in faith and ministry that lasted for more than fifty years.
From Hawaii he moves to California and starts preaching the Gospel among
Hispanics in the city of San Francisco. Salomón Feliciano and his wife Dionisia
were among the first converts and supported Lugo's ministry over the years. But
Lugo wanted to reach the Puerto Ricans in the island. He felt that God's
calling to proclaim the Gospel among his people was very clear. On August 17,
1916, Juan L. Lugo departed from California to Puerto Rico. Once in Puerto Rico, his hometown, accompanied by the
Felicianos who later on went to Dominican Republic, the first Pentecostal
congregation was established in Ponce, Puerto Rico on November 3, 1916. It
became the headquarters for the Iglesia de Dios Pentecostal de Puerto Rico,
associated for some time with the Assemblies of God in the USA and then a
national independent Pentecostal Church, one of the strongest to this day in
Puerto Rico.[13]
There
is an important historical fact that needs to be stressed: Lugo was persecuted
by both Catholics and Protestants:
Lugo
notes in the section of his book 'Empieza la Persecución' (the Persecution
Begins) the opposition received at the hands of both civic and ecclesiastical
bodies. With great tenacity he labored under the most hostile
circumstances-persecutions by Catholics and Protestants alike. The 'new'
Pentecostal message and worship service scandalized the 'southern' and 'sophisticated'
Ponce ecclesiastical hierarchy. While persecution from the Catholics was to be
expected, Lugo was taken aback by the response of the Protestant church. The
existing 'comity agreement', the turf carving in Puerto Rico by mainline
Protestantism, aggravated this situation.[14]
It
is important to underline that Ponce was a stronghold for the Catholic Church,
with a prestigious elite and bourgeoisie as members and economic supporters. On
the other hand, the so-called mainline churches has had a history of
"persecution" to charismatic manifestations in different
denominations in Puerto Rico, among others the Disciples of Christ,
Presbyterians and Baptists. Many missionaries opposed any expression or revival
that was connected or related to the Pentecostal movement and experience. Lugo
was also rejected because he was of "humble origins" and a laborer transformed to become a
self-taught pastor and leader.[15]
Lugo
after 15 years, and around 40 congregations established in Puerto Rico, was
called to a new adventure in faith: New York City. There he made a tremendous
impact, along with Francisco Olazabal, giving a new impetus to the Hispanic
Pentecostal presence in the Northeast. Many Puerto Ricans immigrated to New
York City during the 40's and 50'. The socioeconomic conditions in the island
were desperate. But Lugo confronted the situation with integrity and
determination:
Juan
L. Lugo confronted in the city an increasing structural racism that was being
put in place by the powers-that-be against the also increasing numbers of
Puerto Ricans coming from the Island. Notwithstanding the limited resources at
hand, and the Anglo Protestant church's lack of response to the new immigrants.
He nevertheless struggled and succeeded to build an indigenous base of support
and leadership.[16]
In
conversations with Arcelio Valentín, the then Director of Missions of the
Iglesia de Dios Pentecostal M.I., in 1986, I was told that Lugo was an
"all around" leader, a multifaceted, skillful person, with natural
intelligence and acute wit and wisdom. Two examples of this assertion will
probe it: The founding of the Instituto Mizpa in 1930, a bible institute to
train pastors, missionaries and evangelists and the pioneering work in
developing new congregations in California, New York City, Puerto Rico and
other places:
The
spirit of Juan L. Lugo speaks to us of total commitment and sacrificial service
in church planting. He met head-on every opposition whether by other Hispanics
of different religious persuasion or of Anglo racism and insensitivity in the
cold metropolis.[17]
Romanita Carbajal: A Prophetess in Mexico
The
story of Romanita Carbajal is a fascinating narrative of a tenacious woman,
chosen for a unique task. She emigrated to Los Angeles because of the
socioeconomic and political situations in Mexico. She joined a Mexican
Pentecostal congregation in Los Angeles and had a "vision" to go back
to her people in Mexico. In 1914 she arrived at Villa Aldama, Chihuahua. The
first reactions were very negative. Her own relatives rejected this "new
convert to a fanatic religion.” But Miguel García, her nephew, was touched by
the Holy Spirit and accepted the "new faith.” That same day eleven persons
received "the blessing" and were baptized with the Holy Spirit.[18]
Romanita
was a housewife with no formal education, full of enthusiasm and rejoiced with
this "new experience.” She was a very charismatic person, gifted with a
persuasive and persistent personality. Romanita, wanting to go back to Los
Angeles decides to contact a young pastor, Rubén Ortega. He was initially with
the Congregational Church, but the "Comity agreement" granted the
congregation later on to the Methodists. Pastor Ortega was unable to provide
leadership to the new group and a Baptist pastor, Miguel García, was in charge
of the group, preaching and baptizing in the Northern part of Mexico and
establishing what was known later own as the Iglesia Apostólica de la Fe en
Cristo Jesús.[19]
Felipe
Agredano Lozano makes the following statement in an article that raises some
controversial issues concerning gender and the role of women in a ministry
among Pentecostals and particularly among the "Apostolic Movement":
After
establishing and securing a pastoral and doctrinal foundation for the Apostolic
movement in Mexico, Carbajal de Valenzuela returned to her husband's side in
Los Angeles, and, like so many women evangelists of yesteryear, passed on into
temporary anonymity, to be honored posthumously decades later as the founding
matriarch of the IGLESIA APOSTOLICA DE LA FE EN CRISTO JESUS in Mexico. (Her
foundational work also spawned at least two other significant Mexican Oneness
Pentecostal churches: CONSEJO ESPIRITUAL MEXICANO and LA LUZ DEL MUNDO.[20]
In
December 1990 I taught and an intensive course on Ecumenism to a group of pastors
of the Apostolic Church in Mexico City. Many regional bishops were present and
just one woman took the course! I was intrigued by this whole matter and
started to ask many questions, during that whole week. Many informal
conversations and indirect allusions uncover part of the story, in a way
hidden, of Romanita Carbajal. I discovered that she was not really recognized
as the legitimate founder of the movement. After long periods of silence and
neglect the true story surfaces: She was by all accounts the legitimate founder
of the initial group that became known as the Apostolic Church in Mexico. More
recent books and articles keep shading light to this narrative and provide
definite facts, confirming her role as a charismatic leader, but more importantly:
her place in the history of pentecostalism in Mexico.[21]
In
a more recent discussion with lay leaders (male and female!) and younger
pastors of the Apostolic Movement in Mexico and the Apostolic Assembly of Los
Angeles, in the context of the Annual meeting of the Society for Pentecostal
Studies, the issue was raised: It is true that women are not ordained in these
two "Apostolic Churches,” but their ministry at different levels is there
and a recognition of their capacity to be fully accredited as ordained pastors
is long overdue! An educational process is needed to move ahead, specially
among older pastors and lay leaders.
Romanita
Carbajal is an excellent example of what went on in early history of the modern
Pentecostal movement: These women provided a unique and important leadership as
missionaries, evangelists, divine healers and teachers, but in many places
their names were forgotten or ignored. Many local histories just mention the
fact that women "open their houses" for worship and nothing else. A
more accurate and honest account demonstrates that they really deserve to be
counted and recognized.[22]
Concluding remarks
Juan
L. Lugo and Romanita Carbajal are two good examples of what happened among
Hispanics Pentecostals in the USA. In the first place, they both were
immigrants in search of better opportunities. It is clear that Lugo was a
migrant worker and Romanita a housewife fleeing from political instability in
her country, which means that they belong to the marginalized and poor sectors
in society. Juan Lugo and Romanita Carvajal confronted personal crises in the
context of socio-political crises. They both returned to their people in the
mists of economic depression and political instability with a message of hope
and a transforming experience of conversion and conveyed in any way possible
the good news they discovered. In a contradictory way, they both were rejected
by some sectors: Their stories at times hidden or neglected, products of
prejudice and envy.
Juan
Lugo and Romanita Carbajal suffered because of racial prejudice, in the first
case, and from misogyny in the second. The kind of prejudice that
"outcasts" and "excluded" people suffer in affluent,
dominant cultures like the US.
These
two leaders confronted some of the same situations and issues that our Hispanic
Pentecostals leaders are facing in big cities all over the USA, at a different
juncture in the history of the USA. Nonetheless, these pressing concerns
provide an opportunity to reclaim the authentic leadership they provided and
identify the issues confronting the Hispanic Pentecostals churches in the
existing conditions of today.
One
of the issues confronting the churches today is growth. Many theories and
strategies are discussed and suggested for that purpose. At the same time, a
very spontaneous and dynamic growth takes place in many churches. In any case a
sustainable growth and the need for a process of integration for new converts,
as well as a call to discipleship, are of a tremendous importance for the life
and real vitality of Hispanic Pentecostal churches.
Allan
Figueroa Deck, a Hispanic Jesuit makes a poignant observation on this issue of
church growth:
Protestant
proselytism of Hispanics began a sustained period of growth only at the end of
the last century, when pentecostalism was born and when evangelical
Protestantism under pressure from modernist trends ceased being the principal,
mainline form of American Protestantism.[23]
Figueroa
Deck sees that Hispanic Pentecostals do not make a radical rupture from the
popular religiosity and the catholic culture that undergird their religious
experience, so they find in this new environment a personal reassurance (lost,
in many cases, in the traditional
massive liturgy of the Roman Catholic Church) and meaningful expressions of
their faith and life: Church life and daily religious experiences become
relevant and pertinent, part of their reality![24]
In
order to attain the goals of having solid, theologically sound communities,
good leadership is needed. One of the successes of the Pentecostal movement at
the very beginning was the commitment, passion, endurance and the capacity of
the leaders to be compassionate agents in times of desperation and crisis. To
reclaim the good tradition of people like Juan Lugo and Romanita Carbajal as
agents of the Spirit could be some keys for the renewal of Hispanic Pentecostal
ministry today.
The
vision also requires an adequate and balanced relationship of Mission and
Evangelism. For that purpose a theology of mission is desperately needed. A theology
of mission that is evangelical in content, ecumenical in scope and contextual
in its commitment. Hispanic Pentecostals can look up to Romanita Carbajal and
Juan L. Lugo for that inspiration.
When
many Hispanic Pentecostals are looking for new ways to integrate a deep
spirituality with a social concern, we are reminded of the context in which
Azusa flourished as the cry of many races and cultures searching for liberation
and justice. These new leaders can learn
from the struggles and commitments of Juan Lugo and Romanita Carvajal and the
other leaders: They need to make a relevant witness of their Pentecostal
heritage and witness in the existing conditions of today.
Carmelo
E. Alvarez
Christian
Theological Seminary
[1]Eldin Villafañe, Liberating Spirit (Grand Rapids: W.B. Eerd 1993), 122.
[2]Richard Riss, A Survey of 20th. Century Revival Movements in North America (Peabody: Hendrikson Publishers, 1988), 47.
[3]John Nichol, Pentecostalism (New York: Harper&Row, 1966), 34.
[4]Villafañe, 90.
[5]L. Grant McClung, Jr, Azusa Street and Beyond (South Plainfield: Bridge Publishing, Inc., 1986), 33.
[6]Ibid., 36.
[7]Ibid., 47-54.
[8]Cecil M. Robeck, “Evangelization or Proselytism of Hispanics?: A Pentecostal Perspective,” (Unedited manuscript, used by permission, 1995), 1-7.
[9]Villafañe, 89.
[10]Ibid., 94-96.
[11]Ibid.,97-98.
[12]Ibid., 90.
[13]David Ramos Torres, Historia de la Iglesia de Dios Pentecostal. M.I. Una Iglesia Ungida para Hacer Misión (Río Piedras: Editorial Pentecostal, 1993), 24-34.
[14]Villafañe, 92.
[15]Villafañe, 92-93; Ramos, 32-35.
[16]Villafañe, 94.
[17]Idem.,
[18]Manuel Gaxiola, “Inicios del Pentecostalismo en México: Datos para la historia,” in Spiritus I (1985): 25-47.
[19]Maclovio Gaxiola, Historia de la Iglesia Apostólica de la Fe en Cristo Jesús de México (México: Ed. Iglesia Apostólicca de la fe en Cristo Jesús, 1964), 15-26; Eliseo López, Pentecostalismo y Milenarismo (México: UAM, 1990), 39-42.
[20]Felipe Agredano, “The Apostolic Assembly at the Crossroads: The Politics of Gender,” in Affirming Diversity, SPS, 1994, 6.
[21]Manuel Gaxiola, La Serpiente y la Paloma (Mexico: Libros Pyros, 1994), 141-156.
[22]Richard Riss, “Role of Women,” in Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee (eds.), Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatics Movements (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1990), 893-899.
[23]Allan Figueroa Deck, “The Challenge of Evangelical/Pentecostal Christianity to Hispanic Catholicism,” in Jay P. Dolan and Allan Figueroa Deck (eds.), Hispanic Catholic Culture in the U.S. Issues and Concerns (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994), 411.
[24]Ibid., 424-433.