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Responsibility #70
(written June 1993)
To the People of the United States of America:
In this essay we will cover the final subject of the fourth postscript to the initial 63 RESPONSIBILITY papers.
International Peace/Welfare Keeping. As this paper is being written, the people of the United States and the world are frustrated that so little has been and can be done, about "ethnic cleansing" and the other horrors that continue to occur in the former Yugoslavia. In Somalia, a warlord has been able to disrupt the process of the United Nations to feed and treat the people of that nation. This has resulted in continued anarchy, and has necessitated the recall of additional American military force to bolster the United Nations relief and peace keeping efforts.
Throughout the world, in small nation and in large, peace and welfare are decimated by: religious, ethnic, and nationalistic conflicts; the continued or re-surfacing of long held hatreds between or among various groups of peoples; terrorist attacks; human rights violations; coups; arms, drugs, and illegal immigration trafficking; poverty; genocide and starvation; illiteracy; misuse of the earth's resources; ravages of diseases and other health problems; crime; etc.
John Lukacs, in his 1993 book "The End of the Twentieth Century and The End of the Modern Age", makes the case that the 20th century and the Modern Age ended in the 1980s. In it he conjectures as to what will follow in the, as yet untitled, post-Modern age.
What is certain is that the new age has opened, with the above listed plagues on the peace and welfare of the world. What is also evident (since the demise of the USSR, the lifting of the threat of a nuclear holocaust, and the end of the Cold War) is that the United States, under the administrations of Presidents Reagan/Bush/Clinton, and the United Nations, have had no clear and effective policies, and inadequate organizations and means, to cope with these challenges, and to take advantage of the opportunities to secure peace and welfare on earth. The situation is not unlike the period after World War I, and the closing chapters of World War II.
So what can be done?
The United States must admit to itself, that its role as a Superpower is no longer needed and, indeed, is precluded by its internal shortcomings: immorality; political gridlock and failure to live up to its Constitution; and near economic bankruptcy. Curing those deficiencies (as covered in these Responsibility papers) must be its first order of business, for perhaps the next fifty years.
Our country must, however, be the Leader of the world; there are no other candidates. The USA cannot play this role again through a Marshall Plan--the squandering of our economic resources in the last thirty years, most particularly during the greed and self-gratification days of the 1980s and 1990s, has left us no latitude here. History shows that we dare not try to do it by continuing to be a dominant military power--this casting leads only to the decline and fall of great nations. That is academic, since our squandering also denies us the dominant military option. For the indefinite future, America is impelled to scale down its military expenditures.
If we look to three of our successes during the Cold War and more recently, we can see the only evident and promising avenue. The world must rely on collective security, through a United Nations that consists of decentralized Peace and Welfare (Treaty) Organizations (PWTOs) over all the earth. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), played major politico-military, mutual security roles during the Cold War. President Bush managed to marshal the forces of many nations, predominately of the USA, for Desert Shield and Storm, to preclude the world-wide consequences of the dominance of oil supplies by a mad-man.
Unlike Desert Shield the intent would be to have a PWTO at bat before a ball is thrown. Unlike NATO and SEATO, a PWTO would be intended to have no enemy, but to tend to the peace and welfare of the nations within the geographic bounds of its region. Looking externally, each PWTO would cooperate with all other PWTOs, through the United Nations, to foster peace and welfare throughout the globe. The makeup, military and welfare force complements under the flag of the United Nations, sharing of costs, latitudes and limitations, would be tailored to each particular region of the world through negotiation. As it was for the United States in NATO and SEATO, nations geographically external to the region of a particular PWTO could negotiate a level of participation, consistent with its economic or other national interest, and its means.
As a final comment for the fourth postscript, let us touch upon space and technology. The administration and the Congress are debating the roles, and the extent of funding of such projects as the Superconducting Super Collider, the Advanced Liquid Metal Reactor, and the Space Station. In view of impending bankruptcy, America has no choice but to eliminate, postpone, stretchout, or reduce funding for all long term programs, that do not contribute immediate benefits to sustain and build our economy. All else must wait, until we can make great inroads, in the prevention of deficits, and in the reduction of our national debt.
In the consideration and funding of space and technology projects in the post-Modern age, our emphasis should be on accommodating the burgeoning population of planet Earth. The control of the environment, the preservation and replenishment of natural resources, the habitability of present wastelands on the surface of our globe, the feasibility of cities under the seas, and settlements on the moon and other planets, are all worthy candidates to that purpose. Why not have as our goal the achievement of these ends by the year 2096, six hundred years after the time Columbus is given credit for discovering the new world? Look out Buck Rogers and Flash Gordon!
Publius IV
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